Friday, April 29, 2011

Straight shooter: With civilian tolerance barely hanging by a thread, the Kashmir valley sits on a powder keg

After Irom Sharmila last year, Anna Hazare wins IIPM's 2011 Rabindranath Tagore Peace Prize of Rs. 1cr. To be handed over on 9th May

Syed Salahuddin, the head of Hizbul Mujahideen, tells TSI that the only way to diffuse it is to give the Kashmiris what they want while clearing the air about the misgivings around Islam

Why do you feel that Kashmir will be happier with Pakistan?
For years, the people of Kashmir have been pleading to grant them Islampeaceful lives. But peace not at the cost of freedom and independence. My question is that why aren’t the people of Kashmir asked as to what they want? I am not only talking about plebiscite. Isn’t it clear that when the people are granted their wishes, then peace will automatically come? Either grant them their wishes soon or get ready for another battle.

In the last elections, Kashmiris had participated in a big way. Also, some separatist leaders had lost. Isn’t this a sign that Kashmiris want a democratic set up and perhaps a resolution through a democratic process?

There were candidates from National Congress who had gone to BBC and said that even they want independence of Kashmir. And this time it’s the issue of administrative affairs. There is no infrastructure in Kashmir, there is no water, no electricity, no peace…to solve these issues people vote. But the candidate should fulfill the commitments made to the voters. The very fact that people have come out on streets, youngsters are pelting stones are signs that people are frustrated.

India won freedom through Gandhi’s values of non-violence and in South Africa, the apartheid was abolished by peaceful means. Going by these examples, do you feel that if people of Kashmir protest peacefully, it will be more effective?

I agree. In India wherever there is a specialist movement, whether in Nagaland or Assam or Manipur, the approach of India is different from that of Kashmir. From June 11, Kashmiris have been using stones. They did not use any bullets. The question is why have the youth been targeted by the forces? I see that India does not have a friendly or humane approach towards the Kashmiris. There is only one demand that the armed forces (and the draconian law) should be removed from Kashmir. We have all weapons and we can strike any part of India. But when Kashmiris came out on roads, we decided that we would not fire. If people want an unarmed protest and if by that way the demand is fulfilled, we will be the happiest. The day India wants to sit on the table and discuss about what Kashmiris want, we will support, insha Allah.

Do you believe that division on the basis of religion is a bad idea?

I do not agree with this. I will say that Islam is not a religion. Islam is a comprehensive code of conduct. It is unfortunate that Islam is being projected in a wrong way. It accords highest respect to non-Muslims. According to Islam, no one can be forced or pressurised to become a Muslim. The way communism and socialism are ideologies, Islam is an ideology. If Pakistan would have become Islamic Pakistan, then Bangladesh would not have happened. I am not in favour of the Islam that exists today. I am in favour of the Islam that was preached by the Prophet Mohammed.

Recently in Delhi, some tourists were attacked and a bomb exploded near Jama Masjid. It was later said that the attackers were from Indian Mujahideen (IM) and they did it for Kashmir. What would you say?

I do not agree. When we fight we call it jihad or holy war. It has a principle– don’t kill any old person, don’t lift your hand on any young kid and don’t look at any woman, fight with your enemy only if he fights. We cannot fight against non-belligerents. If I have waged a war, then Indian forces should fight with me. But then instead they attack my family. Now this reaction leads to what IM did. But still I would say targetting civilians with bombs is not jihad.

Many people in the world and in India want to visit Kashmir. But then they have a fear. What would you want to say to the Indians?

First, the politicians and people should not misunderstand us. We are fighting for a cause. We are not against India... we are against the hegemony and the forces and the policies of India. We want both India and Pakistan to live peacefully. I request India that Allah ke liye Kashmiriyon ka mamla samjhe (for God’s sake understand the Kashmiris' issues) and accept what the Kashmiris want.

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Tuesday, April 26, 2011

Kanwarpal Singh, a one-time aspiring IPS officer, took to arms after Operation Bluestar

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Once an active member of Babbar Khalsa, he gave-up militancy and joined Dal Khalsa to espouse the cause of a sovereign Sikh state

I believe that the Sikhs want to be the masters of their own destiny. SikhBut this aspiration should not be judged in isolation. The very view that the Sikh religion was created as a sword arm of the Hindus to protect the Hindu religion is distorted, undermining the Sikh Gurus. This skewed perspective must be attributed to the conspiracy by Hindu hegemonists forcing the Sikhs to protect and assert their exclusive and separate identity. The religion, which is based on the concept of welfare of all (Sarbat da bhala), could not be against any other religion.

The Sikh Gurus justified ‘adoption of violence’ as the last resort for conflict resolution but always fought state repression. The Sikh Gurus have set extreme examples of supreme sacrifices; peacefully and by taking to arms in order to fight for justice. Even in the case of Khalistan, the groups fighting resorted to armed struggle only after the government responded by attacking the Golden Temple complex crushing the peaceful agitation launched by the Sikhs for protecting their honour and dignity.

When the Indian Constitution was formed, it attacked the very concept of sovereign Sikh identity by clubbing the Sikhs with the Hindus under Section 25 B. This forced the Akali Dal to articulate the Sikh aspirations and launch a peaceful agitation in the early 50s for a Punjabi-speaking state, but even this was denied by the government. The government further provoked Sikhs by encouraging some sects and sub-sects like the Nirankaris, which resulted in a confrontation in 1978 in which 13 Sikhs staging a peaceful protest were killed.

The Sikhs opted for violence only after the judicial system of the country failed to provide justice to them. Though I admit, this radical leadership couldn’t convert the militant struggle into mass movement the way leaders like Nelson Mandela achieved.

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Saturday, April 23, 2011

In no man's land: Many 'peace talks' have come and gone, but the valley still sits on an edge.

The Kashmiris have, literally, left no stone unturned to make their freedom aspirations heard, yet Javed Mir, a former militant commander and co-founder of Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), insists on holding out for a peaceful resolution.

How will JKLF’s belief in a separate state help the people of Kashmir?
The last 100 days saw our boys being killed by the Indian forces. We hope ‘independence’ will help us live happily without being scapegoats of a political tussle. When the Hajy group (Sheikh Abdul Hamid, Ashfaq Majid Wani, Yasin Malik and I) started the struggle for an independent Kashmir in 1987, we wanted the world’s attention and we got it. The last 60 years have seen India and Pakistan fight three wars; but every time the Kashmiris have been ignored.

Will an independent Kashmir have place for other communities?
Kashmir Valley is a Muslim majority state along with the communities like Sikhs, Pundits, Buddhists and Christians. We want the Government of India to declare Kashmir a disputed territory where all Kashmiris can live together peacefully. Jammu and Kashmir is one.

Wouldn’t Kashmiris live a better life if economic demands are met by the government?
It is not a religious or economic, but a political issue. With people being killed, what good would economic progress do to us? While we want our people to live without any threat, the last few years have seen about 45,000 houses being damaged. There was a time when Atal Bihari Vajpayee took the initiative to solve this problem. It wasn’t good for Kashmir that BJP lost the election. Now, India and Pakistan have to solve this issue together.

When the leaders of JKLF separated after Yasin Malik’s release from jail, did the ideology change?
We operate separately now, but our cause is the same, i.e., a peaceful resolution. When Yasin’s nephew was killed, we controlled a crowd of at least 50,000 people. I hold a record for 600 peaceful demonstrations in the Guinness Book of World records. I was arrested 450 times but never resorted to violence, and that is what we teach the youth as well. The present situation has forced Kashmiris to resort to a little bit of violence, though we don’t want it.

Do you still think that JKLF’s peaceful means would help attain your goals?
When we did peaceful protests in schools and colleges, the forces invaded our houses and beat our people. When I went underground in 1988, my father was arrested. He was taken to an interrogation centre (Mufti Mohammed Sayeed lives here today), where he was tortured by drowning and was given electric shock. He was paralysed and soon died. We didn’t want any more fathers to suffer or children killed. However, there are some miscreants who want to malign our reputation. We are not terrorists and appeal to the youth not to pelt stones, but protest peacefully.

What is your message to the Indian government?
Kashmir doesn’t have oil or gold, but only the beautiful valley. My appeal to the government (and countries like the US and UK) is to think beyond their interests and help us. I have crossed the ceasefire line nine times and seen our people die on the border with no one to offer them water or a kafan.

Kashmiris are happy when sweets are exchanged at the border or when Pakistan visits India for dialogues of settlement; this reflects people’s keenness to be together. For politicians, it’s a fight for power. Kashmiris will continue to get killed until India and Pakistan stop fighting.

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After Irom Sharmila last year, Anna Hazare wins IIPM's 2011 Rabindranath Tagore Peace Prize of Rs. 1cr. To be handed over on 9th May

Tuesday, April 19, 2011

Santosh Rana, the firebrand Naxal leader of the sixties, led the people in a large part of Bengal-Bihar-Orissa to "liberation"

After Irom Sharmila last year, Anna Hazare wins IIPM's 2011 Rabindranath Tagore Peace Prize of Rs. 1cr. To be handed over on 9th May

Critical of current-day Maoists, he expresses how people's revolt is at times inevitabl...

As we move through the narrow besmirched lane of Kalitala in the eastern fringe of Kolkata, a dhoti-clad bespectacled man waves his hand towards us. He is none other than Santosh Rana, who was the firebrand leader of CPI(ML) or Naxalites in the late sixties. He was the key leader behind ‘virtually liberating’ Debra, Gopiballabhpur, Nayagram, Lodhasuli blocks of Midnapore, Baharagora of the then Bihar and some parts of Orissa like Keonjhar, Mayurbhanj. He is now leading a separate party CPI(ML)-PCC. “About a hundred people were killed during our movement in the late 60s, but none of them were Adivasi, Dalit or poor. I consider even that a mistake. Today, Maoists are killing poor Adivasis and villagers alleging they are police spies,” he begins, having made us comfortable in his modest house.

Santosh Rana was a research student and supporter of CPI(M) while CPI(ML) was formed. He was preparing for his PhD in Physics at Rajabazar Science College of Calcutta University. The wild call of revolution by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal and others inspired Rana. He left his PhD midway, returned to his village at Gopiballabhpur and dedicated himself to the agrarian revolution on the lines of Charu Majumdar. Today he recollects, “During my time, a mass of about 15,000 to 20,000 people, armed with lathis, stormed into the houses of the landlords who possessed firearms, and seized the arms. That was a big blow for the landlords or jotdars and they failed to resist our move to grab ceiling-excess land and distribute it among the landless bargadars. This was not violence, it was people’s revolt. Such pressure is always required in remote villages where landlords maintain personal armies.”

Four decades after the Naxalite uprising, Santosh Rana considers that the path of annihilation was as wrong as damaging statues or insulting opponents. His stand is “diametrically opposite” to what the Maoists are preaching today at Jungalmahal. “If this trend continues, it may happen that Maoists find a ‘natural ally’ among the terrorist groups… If such a thing happens, it would be disastrous for India,” says Rana.

“Communists should review the basics,” he believes, “because neither the Soviet nor the Chinese model would lead us to Socialism. Even Marx was not in favour of boycotting elections, he was in favour of ‘Right to recall’, which is still a distant dream for Indian democracy. Comrade Mao Tse Tung had also hinted once for multi-party democracy.” He finds the root of failure of the Soviet and Chinese model in the one-party rule system. However, he is “not ready to accept” Parliamentary democracy as the last word. “I am for extension of democracy by the people’s participation, like what we have seen at Gopiballabhpur in the late 60s, Nandigram in 2007 or Lalgarh in 2009.”

Advocating “necessary” violence and condemning the “unnecessary”, Rana has mixed opinion on Gandhian philosophies. He is all praise of Gandhi’s programme against untouchability and communal amity, but is totally against Gandhi’s firm beliefs on Barnashram. “Bapu wrote that each person’s role in the society is determined by his birth. He was not against education to all, but warned that this education should not be treated as a yardstick for job or placement. Bapu said that then indiscipline would prevail in the society. I cannot and will never support Gandhi’s stand on this.”

Gandhiji once said, “we have enough to fulfill everyone’s need, but very little to meet one’s greed.” Santosh Rana is ready to support Gandhi’s stand against consumerism. “I may agree with Gandhiji on a self-reliant India and on rural development, but cannot stand by preservation of cast-based society or advocacy of zamindari system.” As like any other communist, Rana too believes, “individual ownership on means of production is detrimental to the nation.”

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